English Translation |
Latin Text |
5.24
The ships having been beached, and the council of the Gauls at Samarobriva having been completed, because in that year the grain had grown more scarcely in Gaul on account of droughts, he was forced to arrange the army in their winter quarters otherwise than in previous years and to assign the legions in many states. From these legions he gave one to Gaius Fabius to be led among the Morini, another to Quintus Cicero to be led among the Nervii, a third to Lucius Roscius to be led among the Esubii; a fourth he ordered to winter among the Remi with Titus Labienus on the common boundary of the Treveri. He positioned three among the Bellovaci: he put the quaestor Marcus Crassus and the legates Lucius Munatius Plancus and Gaius Trebonius in command of these. One legion, which he had recently enlisted across the Padus, and five cohorts he sent among the Eburones, the greatest part of whom is between the Mosa and the Rhine, who were under the control of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. He commanded the legates Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta to be in command of these soldiers. The legions having been assigned in this way he thought that he was able to remedy their need of grain most easily. And nevertheless the winter quarters of all these legions, except those which he gave to Lucius Roscius to be led into the most peaceful and quiet part, were being held within a hundred miles. He himself meanwhile, until he had learned that the legions were arranged and their winter quarters fortified, decided to delay in Gaul. |
5.24
Subductis navibus concilioque Gallorum Samarobrivae peracto, quod eo anno frumentum in Gallia propter siccitates angustius provenerat, coactus est aliter ac superioribus annis exercitum in hibernis collocare legionesque in plures civitates distribuere. Ex quibus unam in Morinos ducendam Gaio Fabio legato dedit, alteram in Nervios Quinto Ciceroni, tertiam in Esubios Lucio Roscio; quartam in Remis cum Tito Labieno in confinio Treverorum hiemare iussit. Tres in Belgis collocavit: eis Marcum Crassum quaestorem et Lucium Munatium Plancum et Gaium Trebonium legatos praefecit. Unam legionem, quam proxime trans Padum conscripserat, et cohortes V in Eburones, quorum pars maxima est inter Mosam ac Rhenum, qui sub imperio Ambiorigis et Catuvolci erant, misit. Eis militibus Quintum Titurium Sabinum et Lucium Aurunculeium Cottam legatos praeesse iussit. Ad hunc modum distributis legionibus facillime inopiae frumentariae sese mederi posse existimavit. Atque harum tamen omnium legionum hiberna praeter eam, quam Lucio Roscio in pacatissimam et quietissimam partem ducendam dederat, milibus passuum centum continebantur. Ipse interea, quoad legiones collocatas munitaque hiberna cognovisset, in Gallia morari constituit. |
5.25
Born of the highest rank among the Carnutes there was Tasgetius, whose ancestors had held the reign in their own state. For his virtue and kindness toward him, because he had made use of his remarkable service in all the wars, Caesar had restored the place of his ancestors to him. Now in the third year, many from the state openly instigators, his enemies killed this man ruling. This thing was reported to Caesar. That man, fearing that the citizens would revolt because of the instigation of those men, because it was pertaining to a large number of people, commands Lucius Plancus to depart from Belgium quickly with a legion into the Carnutes and to winter there and to send to him those men having been arrested, by whose work he had learned that Tasgetius was killed. Meanwhile he was informed by all the legates and quaestors, to whom he had given over the legions, that it had been arrived in their winters quarters and the place had been fortified for the winter quarters. |
5.25
Erat in Carnutibus summo loco natus Tasgetius, cuius maiores in sua civitate regnum obtinuerant. Huic Caesar pro eius virtute atque in se benevolentia, quod in omnibus bellis singulari eius opera fuerat usus, maiorum locum restituerat. Tertium iam hunc annum regnantem inimici, multis palam ex civitate eius auctoribus, eum interfecerunt. Defertur ea res ad Caesarem. Ille veritus, quod ad plures pertinebat, ne civitas eorum impulsu deficeret, Lucium Plancum cum legione ex Belgio celeriter in Carnutes proficisci iubet ibique hiemare quorumque opera cognoverat Tasgetium interfectum, hos comprehensos ad se mittere. Interim ab omnibus legatis quaestoreque, quibus legiones tradiderat, certior factus est in hiberna perventum locumque hibernis esse munitum. |
5.26
Around the fifteen days, during which it was arrived in the winter quarters, the beginning of a sudden uproar and revolt arose from Ambiorix and Catuvolcus, who, although they had met Sabinus and Cotta on the borders of their kingdom and had collected grain into the winter quarters, driven by the message of Indutiomarus the Treveran incited their own men and the wood-foragers having been oppressed suddenly came to the camp to attack with a large band of men. Since our men had taken up arms quickly and had climbed the wall and from one side the Spanish cavalry having been sent out had been superior in equestrian battle, the affair having been desperate the enemy led their own men back from the fighting. Then in their own custom called out, that someone from our men come forth to a parley: that they have things that they wish to say about a common issue, by means of which thing they were hoping that they would be able to settle the dispute. |
5.26
Diebus circiter XV, quibus in hiberna ventum est, initium repentini tumultus ac defectionis ortum est ab Ambiorige et Catuvolco; qui, cum ad fines regni sui Sabino Cottaeque praesto fuissent frumentumque in hiberna comportavissent, Indutiomari Treveri nuntiis impulsi suos concitaverunt subitoque oppressis lignatoribus magna manu ad castra oppugnatum venerunt. Cum celeriter nostri arma cepissent vallumque adscendissent atque una ex parte Hispanis equitibus emissis equestri proelio superiores fuissent, desperata re hostes suos ab oppugnatione reduxerunt. Tum suo more conclamaverunt, uti aliqui ex nostris ad colloquium prodiret: habere sese, quae de re communi dicere vellent, quibus rebus controversias minui posse sperarent. |
5.27
Gaius Arpineius, a Roman horseman, a close friend of Quintus Titurius, is sent to them for the sake of speaking, and Quintus Junius, a certain man from Spain, who was already accustomed previously by the sending of Caesar to go back and forth to Ambiorix; in the presence of whom Ambiorix spoke in this way: that he confessed that he owed very much to him on behalf of the benefits of Caesar toward him, because by his work he had been freed from tribute, which he had been accustomed to pay to the Aduatici, bordering his own people, and because both his son and his brother’s son, whom having been sent among a number of hostages the Aduatici had held in their presence in servitude and chains, had been returned to him from Caesar; that he did this thing, which he did in regard to the attacking of the camp, not either by his own design or by his own wish, but by the compulsion of the state, and that his state was of such a sort that the multitude was having no less authority over him than he over the multitude. Furthermore that this thing was the cause of war for the state, because it was not able to resist the hasty conspiracy of the Gauls. That he was able to prove this easily by his own weakness, because he was not ignorant of things to such an extent that he felt he was able to overcome the Roman people by his own troops. But that this was the common plan of Gaul: that this was the day declared for all the winter quarters of Caesar being attacked, so that not any legion might be able to come for aid for another legion. That it was not easy that Gauls deny Gauls, especially when a plan about regaining the common freedom was seeming to have been formed. That, since he had done enough for loyalty by which things, he now had the consideration of the duty for Caesar’s benefits: that he was warning, beseeching Titurius for friendship, that he take care of his own health and the health of his soldiers. That a great band of Germans having been hired had crossed the Rhine; that this would be at hand in two days. That this was their plan, whether they wished to bring their soldiers having been led out from the winter camp sooner than the neighboring peoples noticed either to Cicero or to Labienus, of whom one was around fifty miles away from there, the other a little farther. That he promised this thing and established an oath that he would give a safe route through his territory. That, since he is doing this, he has both considered the interests of his state, because he is relieved of the winter camps, and carried back his gratitude to Caesar for his service. This speech having been delivered Ambiorix departs. |
5.27
Mittitur ad eos colloquendi causa Gaius Arpineius, eques Romanus, familiaris Quinti Tituri, et Quintus Iunius ex Hispania quidam, qui iam ante missu Caesaris ad Ambiorigem ventitare consuerat; apud quos Ambiorix ad hunc modum locutus est: Sese pro Caesaris in se beneficiis plurimum ei confiteri debere, quod eius opera stipendio liberatus esset, quod Aduatucis, finitimis suis, pendere consuesset, quodque ei et filius et fratris filius ab Caesare remissi essent, quos Aduatuci obsidum numero missos apud in servitute et catenis tenuissent; neque id, quod fecerit de oppugnatione castrorum, aut iudicio aut voluntate sua fecisse, sed coactu civitatis, suaque esse eiusmodi imperia, ut non minus haberet iuris in se multitudo quam ipse in multitudinem. Civitati porro hanc fuisse belli causam, quod repentinae Gallorum coniurationi resistere non potuerit. Id se facile ex humilitate sua probare posse, quod non adeo sit imperitus rerum ut suis copiis populum Romanum superari posse confidat. Sed esse Galliae commune consilium: omnibus hibernis Caesaris oppugnandis hunc esse dictum diem, ne qua legio alterae legioni subsidio venire posset. Non facile Gallos Gallis negare potuisse, praesertim cum de recuperanda communi libertate consilium initum videretur. Quibus quoniam pro pietate satisfecerit, habere nunc se rationem offici pro beneficiis Caesaris: monere, orare Titurium pro hospitio, ut suae ac militum saluti consulat. Magnam manum Germanorum conductam Rhenum transisse; hanc adfore biduo. Ipsorum esse consilium, velintne priusquam finitimi sentiant eductos ex hibernis milites aut ad Ciceronem aut ad Labienum deducere, quorum alter milia passuum circiter quinquaginta, alter paulo amplius ab eis absit. Illud se polliceri et iureiurando confirmare tutum iter per fines daturum. Quod cum faciat, et civitati sese consulere, quod hibernis levetur, et Caesari pro eius meritis gratiam referre. Hac oratione habita discedit Ambiorix. |
5.28
Arpineus and Junius carried back to the legates those things which they had heard. Those men greatly disturbed by this sudden affair, although these things were being said from the enemy, were nevertheless thinking that it must not be disregarded and were most greatly moved by this thing: that it was hardly to be believed that the undistinguished and weak state of the Eburones dared to make war to the Roman people of their own accord. Therefore they brought this thing to a council and a great controversy arose among them. Lucius Aurunculeius and many of the military tribunes and centurions of the first rank were thinking that nothing must be done rashly and that it must not be departed from the winter camps without Caesar’s order: they were pointing out that even however great the bands of Germans were able to be held back by means of the fortified camp: that the thing for proof was this: that they had bravely held back the first attack of the enemy, many wounds moreover having been inflicted; that they were not oppressed by the affair of grain; that meanwhile aid would come both from the nearby winter camps and from Caesar; lastly that what was more foolish or shameful than to take advice about the highest matters, the enemy being the author? |
5.28
Arpineius et Iunius, quae audierunt, ad legatos deferunt. Illi repentina re perturbati, etsi ab hoste ea dicebantur, tamen non neglegenda existimabant maximeque hac re permovebantur, quod civitatem ignobilem atque humilem Eburonum sua sponte populo Romano bellum facere ausam vix erat credendum. Itaque ad consilium rem deferunt magnaque inter eos exsistit controversia. Lucius Aurunculeius compluresque tribuni militum et primorum ordinum centuriones nihil temere agendum neque ex hibernis iniussu Caesaris discedendum existimabant: quantasvis [magnas] copias etiam Germanorum sustineri posse munitis hibernis docebant: rem esse testimonio, quod primum hostium impetum multis ultro vulneribus illatis fortissime sustinuerint: re frumentaria non premi; interea et ex proximis hibernis et a Caesare conventura subsidia: postremo quid esse levius aut turpius, quam auctore hoste de summis rebus capere consilium? |
5.29
Opposite these things Titurius was shouting that they would act too late, when greater bands of enemies, the Germans having been added, had come or when something of misfortune had been received in the nearby winter camps. That the opportunity for making a plan was short. That he judged that Caesar had left for Italy, that neither would the Carnutes have taken up the plan for killing Tasgetius otherwise, nor would the Eburones, if that man was near, come to the camp with so great contempt for us. That he did not regard the enemy the author, but this: that they were close to the Rhine, that the death of Ariovistus and our previous victories were for great pain for the Germans; that Gaul was inflamed, so many injuries having been received, having been driven under the authority of the Roman people, their previous glory of military matters having been extinguished. Lastly that who could persuade himself of this, that Ambiorix had resorted to a plan of such a sort without certain proof? That his own opinion on either side was secure: that if there was nothing too severe they would come to the closest legion with no danger: that if all Gaul sided with the Germans, their only safety was placed on quickness. That indeed the plan of Cotta and those who disagreed would have what result? In which case they must fear, if not the present danger, certainly at least hunger, because of the long siege. |
5.29
Contra ea Titurius sero facturos clamitabat, cum maiores manus hostium adiunctis Germanis convenissent aut cum aliquid calamitatis in proximis hibernis esset acceptum. Brevem consulendi esse occasionem. Caesarem arbitrari profectum in Italiam; neque aliter Carnutes interficiendi Tasgeti consilium fuisse capturos, neque Eburones, si ille adesset, tanta contemptione nostri ad castra venturos esse. Non hostem auctorem, sed rem spectare: subesse Rhenum; magno esse Germanis dolori Ariovisti mortem et superiores nostras victorias; ardere Galliam tot contumeliis acceptis sub populi Romani imperium redactam superiore gloria rei militaris exstincta. Postremo quis hoc sibi persuaderet, sine certa re Ambiorigem ad eiusmodi consilium descendisse? Suam sententiam in utramque partem esse tutam: si nihil esset durius, nullo cum periculo ad proximam legionem perventuros; si Gallia omnis cum Germanis consentiret, unam esse in celeritate positam salutem. Cottae quidem atque eorum, qui dissentirent, consilium quem habere exitum? In quo si non praesens periculum, at certe longinqua obsidione fames esset timenda. |
5.30
This argument having been had on each side, when he was fiercely resisted by Cotta and the first rank, Sabinus said, “Prevail, if you so wish,” and he said this with a clearer voice, so that a great part of the soldiers might hear; “neither am I one from you all who is most gravely frightened by the danger of death: these men will understand; if anything graver happens, they will demand reasoning from you, they who, if it is permitted by you, having been joined with the nearest winter quarters on the day after tomorrow they would sustain the common chance of war with the rest of the soldiers; they who would not die, cast down and sent away far from the rest, either by the sword or starvation.” |
5.30
Hac in utramque partem disputatione habita, cum a Cotta primisque ordinibus acriter resisteretur, “Vincite,” inquit, “si ita vultis,” Sabinus, et id clariore voce, ut magna pars militum exaudiret; “neque is sum,” inquit, “qui gravissime ex vobis mortis periculo terrear: hi sapient; si gravius quid acciderit, abs te rationem reposcent, qui, si per te liceat, perendino die cum proximis hibernis coniuncti communem cum reliquis belli casum sustineant, non reiecti et relegati longe ab ceteris aut ferro aut fame intereant.” |
5.31
It was risen together from the council; they seized each and begged, that they not lead this thing of greatest danger down by their own disagreement and stubbornness: that it was easy, whether they remained, whether they departed, if all adhered to and approved of only one thing; that on the other hand they saw no safety in dissension. This affair was led through to the middle of the night by the dispute. At last Cotta having been influenced gave over his hands: the opinion of Sabinus prevailed. It was announced that they would go at first light. The remaining part of the night was consumed by wakefulness, while each soldier examined his own things, what he was able to carry with him, what from the equipment of the winter quarters he was forced to leave behind. All were thought out, why they would not remain without danger, and why because of the weakness and wakefulness of the soldiers the danger would be increased. Thus at first light they departed with a very long column and very heavy burdens from the camp, as those who were convinced that they had been given advice not by an enemy, but by a most friendly man Ambiorix. |
5.31
Consurgitur ex consilio; comprehendunt utrumque et orant, ne sua dissensione et pertinacia rem in summum periculum deducat: facilem esse rem, seu maneant, seu proficiscantur, si modo unum omnes sentiant ac probent; contra in dissensione nullam se salutem perspicere. Res disputatione ad mediam noctem perducitur. Tandem dat Cotta permotus manus: superat sententia Sabini. Pronuntiatur prima luce ituros. Consumitur vigiliis reliqua pars noctis, cum sua quisque miles circumspiceret, quid secum portare posset, quid ex instrumento hibernorum relinquere cogeretur. Omnia excogitantur, quare nec sine periculo maneatur, et languore militum et vigiliis periculum augeatur. Prima luce sic ex castris proficiscuntur, ut quibus esset persuasum non ab hoste, sed ab homine amicissimo Ambiorige consilium datum, longissimo agmine maximisque impedimentis. |
5.32
But the enemy, after they perceived about the departure from the nightly confusion and wakefulness, ambushes having been arranged, were awaiting the coming of the Romans in two parts in an opportune and hidden place in the forest about two miles away, and when the greater part of the column had sent itself down into a great valley, they suddenly revealed themselves from either side of that valley and began to press the last and to prevent the first from ascending and to join battle in a place very uneven for our men. |
5.32
At hostes, posteaquam ex nocturno fremitu vigiliisque de profectione eorum senserunt, collocatis insidiis bipertito in silvis opportuno atque occulto loco a milibus passuum circiter duobus Romanorum adventum exspectabant, et cum se maior pars agminis in magnam convallem demisisset, ex utraque parte eius vallis subito se ostenderunt novissimosque premere et primos prohibere ascensu atque iniquissimo nostris loco proelium committere coeperunt. |
5.33
Then finally Titurius, who had forseen nothing previously, shook with fear and ran about and arranged the cohorts, did these things themselves nevertheless fearfully and so that all things were seeming to fail him; which is accustomed to happen to those who are forced to seize a plan in the business itself. But Cotta, who had considered that these things could happen on the journey and on account of this reason had not been a promoter of departure, was lacking in no affair for the common safety, was fulfilling the duty both of a commander in calling and encouraging the soldiers and of a soldier in the fight. Since because of the length of the column they were less easily able to attend to all things by themselves and to provide that which must be done in each place, they ordered everyone to announce to abandon the baggage and stand in a circle. Although which plan must not be blamed in such a case it nevertheless happened inconveniently: for it both lessened hope for our soldiers and made the enemy more eager for the fight, because this thing was seeming to be done not without the greatest fear and desperation. Besides it happened, that which was necessary to happen, that soldiers everywhere departed from their signs, that each hurried to seek and seize from the baggage those things which each of them was considering most dear, that all were filled with shouting and weeping. |
5.33
Tum demum Titurius, qui nihil ante providisset, trepidare et concursare cohortesque disponere, haec tamen ipsa timide atque ut eum omnia deficere viderentur; quod plerumque eis accidere consuevit, qui in ipso negotio consilium capere coguntur. At Cotta, qui cogitasset haec posse in itinere accidere atque ob eam causam profectionis auctor non fuisset, nulla in re communi saluti deerat et in appellandis cohortandisque militibus imperatoris et in pugna militis officia praestabat. Cum propter longitudinem agminis minus facile omnia per se obire et, quid quoque loco faciendum esset, providere possent, iusserunt pronuntiare, ut impedimenta relinquerent atque in orbem consisterent. Quod consilium etsi in eiusmodi casu reprehendendum non est, tamen incommode accidit: nam et nostris militibus spem minuit et hostes ad pugnam alacriores effecit, quod non sine summo timore et desperatione id factum videbatur. Praeterea accidit, quod fieri necesse erat, ut vulgo milites ab signis discederent, quae quisque eorum carissima haberet, ab impedimentis petere atque arripere properaret, clamore et fletu omnia complerentur. |
5.34
But a plan was not lacking for the barbarians. For their leaders ordered everyone to announce along the entire battle line, that not anyone depart from their place: that the plunder was theirs and that whatever the Romans had left was reserved for them: therefore they had thought that all was placed on victory. They were equal in both virtue and eagerness for fighting; our men, although deserted by their leader and by fortune, were nevertheless placing all hope of safety on virtue, and as often as any cohort charged, from that side a great number of enemies was falling. Which thing having been noticed Ambiorix orders to be announced, to throw spears from afar and not to approach nearer and to retreat on which side the Romans make an attack (that because of the lightness of their arms and their daily training nothing was able to cause harm for them), in turn pursue them having returned to their sign. |
5.34
At barbaris consilium non defuit. Nam duces eorum tota acie pronuntiare iusserunt, ne quis ab loco discederet: illorum esse praedam atque illis reservari quaecumque Romani reliquissent: proinde omnia in victoria posita existimarent. Erant et virtute et studio pugnandi pares; nostri, tametsi ab duce et a fortuna deserebantur, tamen omnem spem salutis in virtute ponebant, et quotiens quaeque cohors procurrerat, ab ea parte magnus numerus hostium cadebat. Qua re animadversa Ambiorix pronuntiari iubet, ut procul tela coniciant neu propius accedant et, quam in partem Romani impetum fecerint, cedant (levitate armorum et cotidiana exercitatione nihil eis noceri posse), rursus se ad signa recipientes insequantur. |
5.35
Which command having been most carefully obeyed by them, when any cohort went out from the circle and made an attack, the enemy were most swiftly retreating. Meanwhile it was necessary that that side was exposed and that spears were received from the exposed flank. In turn when they began to turn back into that place from which they had gone out, they were surrounded both by those who had retreated and by those who stood nearby; but if they were wishing to hold their place, neither was the place being relinquished for virtue, nor were they, having been tightly packed together, able to escape the spears thrown by the great multitude. Nevertheless distressed by so many inconveniences, many wounds having been received, they were resisting, and a great part of the day having been consumed, since it was being fought from first light to the eighth hour, they were allowing nothing which was disgraceful to them. Then either thigh was pierced by a javelin for Titus Balventius, who had led the first century in the previous year, a man brave and of great authority; Quintus Lucanius, of the same rank, fighting bravely, was killed while he aided his son having been surrounded; Lucius Cotta the legate, encouraging all the cohorts and ranks, was wounded directly in the face by a slingshot. |
5.35
Quo praecepto ab eis diligentissime observato, cum quaepiam cohors ex orbe excesserat atque impetum fecerat, hostes velocissime refugiebant. Interim eam partem nudari necesse erat et ab latere aperto tela recipi. Rursus cum in eum locum unde erant egressi reverti coeperant, et ab eis qui cesserant et ab eis qui proximi steterant circumveniebantur; sin autem locum tenere vellent, nec virtuti locus relinquebatur, neque ab tanta multitudine coniecta tela conferti vitare poterant. Tamen tot incommodis conflictati, multis vulneribus acceptis resistebant et magna parte diei consumpta, cum a prima luce ad horam octavam pugnaretur, nihil quod ipsis esset indignum committebant. Tum Tito Balventio, qui superiore anno primum pilum duxerat, viro forti et magnae auctoritatis, utrumque femur tragula traicitur; Quintus Lucanius, eiusdem ordinis, fortissime pugnans, dum circumvento filio subvenit, interficitur; Lucius Cotta legatus omnes cohortes ordinesque adhortans in adversum os funda vulneratur. |
5.36
Moved by these things Quintus Titurius, when he had perceived from a distance Ambiorix encouraging his men, sends his own interpreter Gnaius Pompeius to him to ask him to spare him and his soldiers. That man having been addressed responds: that if he is wishing to speak with him, it is permitted: that he hopes that he is able to obtain from the multitude, that thing which is pertaining to the safety of the soldiers; that indeed nothing will be harmed for him, and that he pledges his faith in this affair. That man communicates with the wounded Cotta, if it seems appropriate that they withdraw from the fight and speak together with Ambiorix: that he hopes that it is able to be obtained from him this thing concerning him and the safety of the soldiers. Cotta says that he will not go to the armed enemy, and persists in this. |
5.36
His rebus permotus Quintus Titurius, cum procul Ambiorigem suos cohortantem conspexisset, interpretem suum Gnaeum Pompeium ad eum mittit rogatum ut sibi militibusque parcat. Ille appellatus respondit: si velit secum colloqui, licere; sperare a multitudine impetrari posse, quod ad militum salutem pertineat; ipsi vero nihil nocitum iri, inque eam rem se suam fidem interponere. Ille cum Cotta saucio communicat, si videatur, pugna ut excedant et cum Ambiorige una colloquantur: sperare ab eo de sua ac militum salute impetrari posse. Cotta se ad armatum hostem iturum negat atque in eo perseverat. |
5.37
Sabinus orders those military tribunes whom he had around him at present and the centurions of the first rank to follow him and, when he had approached nearer to Ambiorix, having been commanded to throw down his arms he does this thing commanded and orders his men to do the same. Meanwhile, while they discuss between them about an agreement and a longer conversation is drawn out by Ambiorix according to a plan, gradually surrounded he is killed. Then indeed in their custom they call out victory and raise a shout and an attack having been made on our men they disturb the ranks. There Lucius Cotta is killed fighting with a great part of the soldiers. The rest recover themselves into the camp from where they had gone out. Out of whom the standard-bearer, Lucius Petrosidius, when he was pressed by a great multitude of enemies, threw the eagle inside the rampart; he himself is killed fighting most bravely in front of the camp. These men sustain the fighting to the night sickly; their safety hopeless, to a man they all kill their very selves by night. The few having slipped away from the battle arrive at the winter quarters at the legate Titus Labienus by means of an uncertain route through the forest and make him more certain about the things having been carried out. |
5.37
Sabinus quos in praesentia tribunos militum circum se habebat et primorum ordinum centuriones se sequi iubet et, cum propius Ambiorigem accessisset, iussus arma abicere imperatum facit suisque ut idem faciant imperat. Interim, dum de condicionibus inter se agunt longiorque consulto ab Ambiorige instituitur sermo, paulatim circumventus interficitur. Tum vero suo more victoriam conclamant atque ululatum tollunt impetuque in nostros facto ordines perturbant. Ibi Lucius Cotta pugnans interficitur cum maxima parte militum. Reliqui se in castra recipiunt unde erant egressi. Ex quibus Lucius Petrosidius aquilifer, cum magna multitudine hostium premeretur, aquilam intra vallum proiecit; ipse pro castris fortissime pugnans occiditur. Illi aegre ad noctem oppugnationem sustinent; noctu ad unum omnes desperata salute se ipsi interficiunt. Pauci ex proelio lapsi incertis itineribus per silvas ad Titum Labienum legatum in hiberna perveniunt atque eum de rebus gestis certiorem faciunt. |
5.38
Uplifted by this victory Ambiorix immediately departs with the cavalry into the Aduatici, who were neighboring his kingdom; he lets neither night nor day pass and orders the infantry to follow. This affair having been declared and the Aduatici having been incited he arrives among the Nervii on the next day and urges them not to pass up this opportunity for freeing themselves forever and for punishing the Romans for those injuries which they had received: he points out that two legates had been killed and that a great part of the army had perished; that it was nothing of difficulty to destroy the suddenly oppressed legion which wintered with Cicero; he declares that he is a helper to this matter. He easily persuades the Nervii by means of this speech. |
5.38
Hac victoria sublatus Ambiorix statim cum equitatu in Aduatucos, qui erant eius regno finitimi, proficiscitur; neque noctem neque diem intermittit peditatumque subsequi iubet. Re demonstrata Aduatucisque concitatis postero die in Nervios pervenit hortaturque, ne sui in perpetuum liberandi atque ulciscendi Romanos pro eis quas acceperint iniuriis occasionem dimittant: interfectos esse legatos duos magnamque partem exercitus interisse demonstrat; nihil esse negoti subito oppressam legionem quae cum Cicerone hiemet interfici; se ad eam rem profitetur adiutorem. Facile hac oratione Nerviis persuadet. |
5.39
Therefore, messengers having been hastily sent out to the Ceutrones, the Grudii, the Levaci, the Pleumoxii, the Geidumni, who are all under their authority, they gather as great a force as they are able and unexpectedly fly to the winter quarters of Cicero, the report about the death of Titurius not yet having been carried to him. It also happened to this man, that which was necessary, that several soldiers, who had gone out into the forest for the sake of collecting wood and fortifying, were intercepted by the sudden arrival of the cavalry. These men having been surrounded by a great band, the Eburones, the Nervii, the Aduatici, and the allies and vassals of all these beg in to attack the legion. Our men quickly run to arms, climb the rampart. This day is sustained poorly, because the enemy were placing all hope in swiftness and were hoping that they having gained this victory would be victors forever. |
5.39
Itaque confestim dimissis nuntiis ad Ceutrones, Grudios, Levacos, Pleumoxios, Geidumnos, qui omnes sub eorum imperio sunt, quam maximas manus possunt cogunt et de improviso ad Ciceronis hiberna advolant nondum ad eum fama de Tituri morte perlata. Huic quoque accidit, quod fuit necesse, ut nonnulli milites, qui lignationis munitionisque causa in silvas discessissent, repentino equitum adventu interciperentur. His circumventis magna manu Eburones, Nervii, Aduatuci atque horum omnium socii et clientes legionem oppugnare incipiunt. Nostri celeriter ad arma concurrunt, vallum conscendunt. Aegre is dies sustentatur, quod omnem spem hostes in celeritate ponebant atque hanc adepti victoriam in perpetuum se fore victores confidebant. |
5.40
Letters are hastily sent to Caesar by Cicero, great reward having been offered, if they delivered them: all the roads having been obstructed those sent were intercepted. By night fully 120 towers are constructed of timber, which they had collected for the sake of fortifying, with incredible swiftness; those things which were seeming to lack work, are being finished. The enemy, much larger forces having been gathered, attack the camp the next day, fill the ditch. It is resisted by our men in the same way, in which it was resisted the day before. This same thing happens on the remaining days one after another. No part of the night time is let pass for labor; an opportunity for rest is not given for the sick, not for the wounded. Whatever is necessary for the fighting of the next day is prepared by night; many stakes charred at the end, a great number of wall javelins are constructed; the turrets are built up, the breastworks and parapets are weaved on from the wickerwork. Cicero himself, although he was in delicate health, not even at night was allowing himself time for rest, that voluntarily he was forced to spare himself by the onset and voices of the soldiers. |
5.40
Mittuntur ad Caesarem confestim ab Cicerone litterae magnis propositis praemiis, si pertulissent: obsessis omnibus viis missi intercipiuntur. Noctu ex materia, quam munitionis causa comportaverant, turres admodum CXX excitantur incredibili celeritate; quae deesse operi videbantur, perficiuntur. Hostes postero die multo maioribus coactis copiis castra oppugnant, fossam complent. Eadem ratione, qua pridie, ab nostris resistitur. Hoc idem reliquis deinceps fit diebus. Nulla pars nocturni temporis ad laborem intermittitur; non aegris, non vulneratis facultas quietis datur. Quaecumque ad proximi diei oppugnationem opus sunt noctu comparantur; multae praeustae sudes, magnus muralium pilorum numerus instituitur; turres contabulantur, pinnae loricaeque ex cratibus attexuntur. Ipse Cicero, cum tenuissima valetudine esset, ne nocturnum quidem sibi tempus ad quietem relinquebat, ut ultro militum concursu ac vocibus sibi parcere cogeretur. |
5.41
Then the leaders and chiefs of the Nervii who had some right to conversation and cause for friendship with Cicero say that they wish to speak. Permission having been granted, they state the same things which Ambiorix had used with Titurius: that all of Gaul is in arms; that the Germans had crossed the Rhine; that the winter camps of Caesar and the rest had been attacked. They even add things concerning the death of Sabinus: they exhibit Ambiorix for the sake of making faith. They say that they are mistaken, if they are hoping for anything of aid from them, who are despairing in their own things; that nevertheless they are of the spirit toward Cicero and the Roman people, that they are refusing nothing except the winter quarters and do not wish that this practice become established: that it is permitted for those men to go out from the winter quarters unharmed by them and to depart into whatever part they wished without fear. Cicero responds to these with only one thing: that it is not the practice of the Roman people to accept terms from an armed enemy: if they wish to lay down their arms, they might make use of them as assistants and send legates to Caesar; that he hopes on behalf of his uprightness to obtain those things which they sought. |
5.41
Tunc duces principesque Nerviorum qui aliquem sermonis aditum causamque amicitiae cum Cicerone habebant colloqui sese velle dicunt. Facta potestate eadem quae Ambiorix cum Titurio egerat commemorant: omnem esse in armis Galliam; Germanos Rhenum transisse; Caesaris reliquorumque hiberna oppugnari. Addunt etiam de Sabini morte: Ambiorigem ostentant fidei faciendae causa. Errare eos dicunt, si quidquam ab his praesidi sperent, qui suis rebus diffidant; sese tamen hoc esse in Ciceronem populumque Romanum animo, ut nihil nisi hiberna recusent atque hanc inveterascere consuetudinem nolint: licere illis incolumibus per se ex hibernis discedere et quascumque in partes velint sine metu proficisci. Cicero ad haec unum modo respondit: non esse consuetudinem populi Romani accipere ab hoste armato condicionem: si ab armis discedere velint, se adiutore utantur legatosque ad Caesarem mittant; sperare pro eius iustitia, quae petierint, impetraturos. |
5.42
Having been repulsed from this hope the Nervii encircled the camp with a nine-foot rampart and a fifteen-foot trench. They had both learned these things from us by means of our practice of previous years and were taught them by those from the army whom they were holding captive secretly; but the supply of iron tools which was fit for this use being none, they were seeming to cut off the sod by means of sword, to draw up the earth by their hands and cloaks. From which thing indeed they were able to learn the multitude of men; for in less than three hours they built a fortification fifteen thousand feet in circumference and during the rest of the day began to acquire and make turrets up to the height of the wall, hooks and sheds, which the same captives had taught. |
5.42
Ab hac spe repulsi Nervii vallo pedum IX et fossa pedum XV hiberna cingunt. Haec et superiorum annorum consuetudine ab nobis cognoverant et, quos clam de exercitu habebant captivos, ab eis docebantur; sed nulla ferramentorum copia quae esset ad hunc usum idonea, gladiis caespites circumcidere, manibus sagulisque terram exhaurire nitebantur. Qua quidem ex re hominum multitudo cognosci potuit: nam minus horis tribus milium pedum XV in circuitu munitionem perfecerunt reliquisque diebus turres ad altitudinem valli, falces testudinesque, quas idem captivi docuerant, parare ac facere coeperunt. |
5.43
On the seventh day of the fighting, a great wind having arisen, they began to throw hot balls of molten white clay by means of slings and heated spears into the barracks, which were covered by straws in the Gallic custom. These quickly caught fire, and it spread into every part of the camp because of the magnitude of the wind. With great shouting, just as if victory already having been acquired and exploited, the enemy began to advance the towers and testudos and to climb up the wall by means of ladders. But so great was the virtue of the soldiers and this presence of mind, that, although they were being scorched by the fire and pressed by the great multitude of spears on all sides, and perceived that all their baggage and all their fortunes were burning, not only did no one withdraw from the wall for the sake of stepping away, but almost not even any looked back, and then all fought most fiercely and bravely. This day was by far the most grave for our men; but nevertheless it had this result, that on this day a very great number of enemies was wounded and killed, when they had crowded themselves under the wall itself and the last were not giving a retreat for the first. Indeed the fire having been left off a little and the turrets having been thrust and extended to the wall in a certain place, the centurions of the third cohort retired and withdrew all their men from that place at which they were standing; they began to invite the enemy by nods and voices, if they were wishing to enter; of whom no one dared to advance. Then by means of stones thrown forward from each side they were driven off, and the tower was burned. |
5.43
Septimo oppugnationis die maximo coorto vento ferventes fusili ex argilla glandes fundis et fervefacta iacula in casas, quae more Gallico stramentis erant tectae, iacere coeperunt. Hae celeriter ignem comprehenderunt et venti magnitudine in omnem locum castrorum distulerunt. Hostes maximo clamore sicuti parta iam atque explorata victoria turres testudinesque agere et scalis vallum ascendere coeperunt. At tanta militum virtus atque ea praesentia animi fuit, ut, cum undique flamma torrerentur maximaque telorum multitudine premerentur suaque omnia impedimenta atque omnes fortunas conflagrare intellegerent, non modo demigrandi causa de vallo decederet nemo, sed paene ne respiceret quidem quisquam, ac tum omnes acerrime fortissimeque pugnarent. Hic dies nostris longe gravissimus fuit; sed tamen hunc habuit eventum, ut eo die maximus numerus hostium vulneraretur atque interficeretur, ut se sub ipso vallo constipaverant recessumque primis ultimi non dabant. Paulum quidem intermissa flamma et quodam loco turri adacta et contingente vallum tertiae cohortis centuriones ex eo, quo stabant, loco recesserunt suosque omnes removerunt, nutu vocibusque hostes, si introire vellent, vocare coeperunt; quorum progredi ausus est nemo. Tum ex omni parte lapidibus coniectis deturbati, turrisque succensa est. |
5.44
There were in that legion the bravest men, centurions who were approaching the first ranks, Titus Pullo and Lucius Vorenus. These men were having continuous disputes between them, who was preferred, and in all the years were contending about this place with the highest rivalry. From these Pullo, when it was being fought at the fortifications most fiercely, said, “Why do you doubt, Vorenus? Or what place do you expect for demonstrating your virtue? This day will decide about our disputes.” When he had said these things, he advances out of the fortifications and breaks into where the part of the enemies seems the most dense. Nor indeed does Vorenus contain himself within the wall, but follows fearing the judgment of all. An average space having been left Pullo directs a spear into the enemy and pierces one from the multitude running forward; which man having been struck and incapacitated they cover this man with their shields, and all together throw their spears at the enemy and give no opportunity for retreating. The shield is pierced for Pullo and a dart is planted in his sword belt. This misfortune turns away his sheath and hinders the right hand for him trying to draw his sword, and the enemy surrounds that obstructed man. Vorenus, the enemy to that man, runs to help and aids him being oppressed. Immediately the whole multitude turns itself from Pullo to this man, thinking that that man had been killed by the dart. With his sword Vorenus carries on this thing hand to hand and one having been killed drives back the rest a little; while he presses on more eagerly, he falls cast down into a lower place. Pullo brings help to that man having been surrounded in turn, and many having been killed both recover themselves unharmed within the fortifications with the greatest praise. Thus fortune juggled both in their struggle and contest, that one a rival to the other was for help and safety, and it was not able to be decided, which was seeming preferred in virtue to the other. |
5.44
Erant in ea legione fortissimi viri, centuriones, qui primis ordinibus appropinquarent, Titus Pullo et Lucius Vorenus. Hi perpetuas inter se controversias habebant, quinam anteferretur, omnibusque annis de locis summis simultatibus contendebant. Ex his Pullo, cum acerrime ad munitiones pugnaretur, 'Quid dubitas,' inquit, 'Vorene? aut quem locum tuae probandae virtutis exspectas? hic dies de nostris controversiis iudicabit.' Haec cum dixisset, procedit extra munitiones quaque pars hostium confertissima est visa irrumpit. Ne Vorenus quidem tum sese vallo continet, sed omnium veritus existimationem subsequitur. Mediocri spatio relicto Pullo pilum in hostes immittit atque unum ex multitudine procurrentem traicit; quo percusso et exanimato hunc scutis protegunt, in hostem tela universi coniciunt neque dant regrediendi facultatem. Transfigitur scutum Pulloni et verutum in balteo defigitur. Avertit hic casus vaginam et gladium educere conanti dextram moratur manum, impeditumque hostes circumsistunt. Succurrit inimicus illi Vorenus et laboranti subvenit. Ad hunc se confestim a Pullone omnis multitudo convertit: illum veruto arbitrantur occisum. Gladio comminus rem gerit Vorenus atque uno interfecto reliquos paulum propellit; dum cupidius instat, in locum deiectus inferiorem concidit. Huic rursus circumvento fert subsidium Pullo, atque ambo incolumes compluribus interfectis summa cum laude sese intra munitiones recipiunt. Sic fortuna in contentione et certamine utrumque versavit, ut alter alteri inimicus auxilio salutique esset, neque diiudicari posset, uter utri virtute anteferendus videretur. |
5.45
By as much more grave and violent the fighting was day by day, and greatly because a great part of the soldiers having been weakened by wounds this affair had come to a small number of defenders, by so much more frequent letters and messengers were being sent to Caesar; part of whom captured were killed by torture in the sight of our soldiers. There was one Nervian within, by the name Vertico, born from an honorable place, who had fled to Cicero from the first siege and had offered his loyalty to him. This man persuades, by means of the hope of freedom and great rewards, a servant to carry a letter to Caesar. That man carries this bound on a spear and having conducted himself as a Gaul among Gauls without any suspicion he comes to Caesar. It is learned from this man about the dangers of Cicero and the legion. |
5.45
Quanto erat in dies gravior atque asperior oppugnatio, et maxime quod magna parte militum confecta vulneribus res ad paucitatem defensorum pervenerat, tanto crebriores litterae nuntiique ad Caesarem mittebantur; quorum pars deprehensa in conspectu nostrorum militum cum cruciatu necabatur. Erat unus intus Nervius nomine Vertico, loco natus honesto, qui a prima obsidione ad Ciceronem perfugerat suamque ei fidem praestiterat. Hic servo spe libertatis magnisque persuadet praemiis, ut litteras ad Caesarem deferat. Has ille in iaculo illigatas effert et Gallus inter Gallos sine ulla suspicione versatus ad Caesarem pervenit. Ab eo de periculis Ciceronis legionisque cognoscitur. |
5.46
Caesar, the letter having been received around the eleventh hour of the day, immediately sens a messenger among the Bellovaci to the quaestor Marcus Crassus, who winter camp was 25 miles away from that place; he orders the legion to depart in the middle of the night and to come quickly to him. Crassus departs with the message. He sends another to the legate Gaius Fabius, to lead the legion into the territory of the Atrebates, where he was knowing that the journey must be made for him. He writes to Labienus, if he is able to act in the interest of the republic, that he come with the legion to the territory of the Nervii. The remaining part of the army, because it was a little farther away, he does not believe must be awaited; he arranges around four hundred horsemen together from the nearest winter camp. |
5.46
Caesar acceptis litteris hora circiter XI diei statim nuntium in Bellovacos ad M. Crassum quaestorem mittit, cuius hiberna aberant ab eo milia passuum XXV; iubet media nocte legionem proficisci celeriterque ad se venire. Exit cum nuntio Crassus. Alterum ad Gaium Fabium legatum mittit, ut in Atrebatium fines legionem adducat, qua sibi iter faciendum sciebat. Scribit Labieno, si rei publicae commodo facere posset, cum legione ad fines Nerviorum veniat. Reliquam partem exercitus, quod paulo aberat longius, non putat exspectandam; equites circiter quadringentos ex proximis hibernis colligit. |
5.47
Having been made more certain about the arrival of Crassus by the forerunners around the third hour, he advances 20 miles on that day. He puts Crassus in command of Samarobriva and assigns him a legion, because he was leaving the baggage of the army, the hostages of the states, the official papers, and all the grain which he had brought to that place for the sake of surviving the winter there. Fabius, as it had been commanded, thus not having been delayed much meets him with the legion on the march. The death of Sabinus and the slaughter of the cohorts having been learned, Labienus, since all the forces of the Treveri had come to him, afraid that, if he had made a departure similar to flight from the winter camp, he would not be able to sustain the attack of the enemy, especially whom he knew were elated by their recent victory, sends a letter back to Caesar, with how great danger he would have led the legion from the winter camp; he describes the thing that had been carried out among the Eburones; he informs him that all the forces of cavalry and infantry of the Treveri had taken up a position three miles away from his camp. |
5.47
Hora circiter tertia ab antecursoribus de Crassi adventu certior factus eo die milia passuum XX procedit. Crassum Samarobrivae praeficit legionemque attribuit, quod ibi impedimenta exercitus, obsides civitatum, litteras publicas frumentumque omne quod eo tolerandae hiemis causa devexerat relinquebat. Fabius, ut imperatum erat, non ita multum moratus in itinere cum legione occurrit. Labienus interitu Sabini et caede cohortium cognita, cum omnes ad eum Treverorum copiae venissent, veritus, si ex hibernis fugae similem profectionem fecisset, ut hostium impetum sustinere posset, praesertim quos recenti victoria efferri sciret, litteras Caesari remittit, quanto cum periculo legionem ex hibernis educturus esset; rem gestam in Eburonibus perscribit; docet omnes equitatus peditatusque copias Treverorum tria milia passuum longe ab suis castris consedisse. |
5.48
His plan having been approved, Caesar, although disappointed by the expectation of three legions he had returned to two, nevertheless he was placing the one help of the common safety on swiftness. He comes into the territory of the Nervii with great marches. There he learns from prisoners, what is being carried out with Cicero, and in how great danger this affair is. Then by means of great rewards he persuades a certain one of the Gallic horsemen to carry a letter to Cicero. He sends this written with Greek letters, so that the letter having been intercepted our plan might not be learned by the enemy. If he is not able to approach, he advises him to throw the spear inside the fortification of the camp with the letter bound to the strap. In the letter he writes that he will be there having departed quickly with the legions; he urges him to retain his previous virtue. The Gaul, fearing danger, throws the spear as it had been instructed. By chance this sticks in a turret and, not noticed by our men for two days, is seen on the third day be a certain soldier, having been removed is carried to Cicero. That man reads aloud the letter having been read quickly to the assembly of soldiers and affects all with rejoicing. Then the fumes of the fires were seen far off; which thing drove out all doubt of the coming of the legions. |
5.48
Caesar consilio eius probato, etsi opinione trium legionum deiectus ad duas redierat, tamen unum communis salutis auxilium in celeritate ponebat. Venit magnis itineribus in Nerviorum fines. Ibi ex captivis cognoscit, quae apud Ciceronem gerantur, quantoque in periculo res sit. Tum cuidam ex equitibus Gallis magnis praemiis persuadet uti ad Ciceronem epistolam deferat. Hanc Graecis conscriptam litteris mittit, ne intercepta epistola nostra ab hostibus consilia cognoscantur. Si adire non possit, monet ut tragulam cum epistola ad amentum deligata intra munitionem castrorum abiciat. In litteris scribit se cum legionibus profectum celeriter adfore; hortatur ut pristinam virtutem retineat. Gallus periculum veritus, ut erat praeceptum, tragulam mittit. Haec casu ad turrim adhaesit neque ab nostris biduo animadversa tertio die a quodam milite conspicitur, dempta ad Ciceronem defertur. Ille perlectam in conventu militum recitat maximaque omnes laetitia adficit. Tum fumi incendiorum procul videbantur; quae res omnem dubitationem adventus legionum expulit. |